The newly released classified files surrounding the assassination of former US President John F. Kennedy have reignited decades-old debates, casting fresh doubts on the official narrative and drawing renewed scrutiny toward the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). While the documents stop short of directly accusing the CIA of orchestrating the murder, they reveal overlooked intelligence, internal tensions within the US government, and potential ties to organized crime — all of which challenge the longstanding belief that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone.
Kennedy was fatally shot on November 22, 1963, while his motorcade traveled through Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas. Oswald, a 24-year-old former Marine with a history of pro-communist sympathies, was arrested hours later. However, he was silenced before he could testify, killed by Dallas nightclub owner Jack Ruby on live television as he was being transferred from police custody. The Warren Commission, established to investigate the assassination, concluded in 1964 that Oswald was the lone gunman and dismissed speculation of a broader plot. The newly declassified files, however, provide unsettling insights that question this conclusion.
One of the most significant revelations concerns the possibility of a second shooter — a theory that has persisted for decades despite official denials. Ballistic reports and eyewitness accounts included in the documents point to a potential shot fired from the infamous "grassy knoll," a small, elevated area ahead of Kennedy’s motorcade. This contradicts the Warren Commission’s "single bullet theory," which argued that one bullet, fired by Oswald from the Texas School Book Depository behind Kennedy’s limousine, caused multiple wounds to both the President and Texas Governor John Connally. The new evidence suggests that at least one additional bullet may have come from a different angle, implying the presence of a second gunman.
Adding to the intrigue, the files reveal that the CIA had been monitoring Oswald’s activities in the months before the assassination. According to the documents, a CIA officer flagged Oswald’s visits to the Soviet and Cuban embassies in Mexico City just weeks before Kennedy’s death. The agency had been conducting an extensive wiretapping operation on these embassies between December 1962 and January 1963, monitoring Soviet and Cuban communications. Oswald’s visits, during which he reportedly discussed his intention to secure a visa to Cuba or the Soviet Union, raised red flags — yet no action was taken. This disclosure raises troubling questions: Did the CIA underestimate the threat Oswald posed, or did they deliberately ignore his movements?
Further complicating the narrative are revelations about internal discord between the CIA and the Kennedy administration. A memo from Arthur Schlesinger Jr., one of Kennedy’s closest advisers, described how the CIA was increasingly overstepping its bounds, encroaching on the State Department’s authority, and possibly meddling in the political affairs of US allies. Kennedy’s decision to limit the agency’s influence — particularly after the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 — fueled speculation that elements within the CIA viewed him as a liability. The files hint at a widening rift between the President and intelligence leaders, with Kennedy allegedly vowing to "splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds."
One of the most haunting revelations involves former CIA agent Gary Underhill. According to the newly released files, Underhill fled Washington immediately after the assassination and sought refuge at a friend’s house in New Jersey. There, he confided that Kennedy’s murder was orchestrated by a small, rogue faction within the CIA — individuals enraged by the President’s foreign policy decisions, particularly his efforts to ease Cold War tensions with the Soviet Union and Cuba. Underhill claimed that Oswald was a scapegoat, chosen to deflect blame. His accusations never reached the public, as Underhill was found dead from gunshot wounds shortly after making these claims. Though his death was officially ruled a suicide, the circumstances surrounding it — combined with his explosive allegations — have led many to suspect foul play.
The files also reveal a disturbing link between the CIA, organized crime, and anti-Castro operatives. According to wiretapped conversations and intelligence reports, members of the Chicago Mafia, including notorious mob boss Sam Giancana, were involved in training Cuban exiles for paramilitary operations aimed at overthrowing Fidel Castro. One document suggests that rogue CIA agents, frustrated by Kennedy’s reluctance to pursue a more aggressive stance on Cuba, may have collaborated with these underworld figures to carry out the assassination. This revelation aligns with longstanding theories about the CIA’s covert alliances with organized crime in their efforts to destabilize Castro’s regime — alliances that may have spiraled into a plot to eliminate Kennedy.
The release of these files has reignited widespread speculation, with many arguing that the new information points to a far more complex and sinister scenario than previously acknowledged. While the documents do not deliver irrefutable proof of a CIA-led conspiracy, they paint a picture of an intelligence agency operating in the shadows, concealing crucial information, and potentially enabling — or even orchestrating — the assassination of a sitting President.
The lingering question remains: Was Kennedy’s death the result of a lone gunman’s actions, or the culmination of a tangled web of rogue intelligence operatives, organized crime figures, and Cold War politics? The declassified files may not provide all the answers, but they make one thing clear — the truth behind Kennedy’s assassination is far murkier than the official narrative suggests. Calls for a renewed investigation are growing louder, with historians, journalists, and the public demanding transparency and accountability in what remains one of the most controversial political murders in history.
